Margaret Thatcher, for the first time in British history of this century, managed to interrupt the swings of the traditional two-party pendulum of Conservatives and Labor being in power for such a long time. She served as prime minister for a total of 11 years. These years were not easy in the life of the UK. The country managed to get out of a rather dangerous socio-economic crisis, when England was called the "sick man of Europe", to strengthen its position among the most developed states of the capitalist world. The international prestige of Great Britain has grown, its role in world affairs has increased.
The term "Thatcherism" has firmly established itself in British political life. This term characterizes certain political, ideological and moral principles that Margaret Thatcher pursued or tried to implement, as well as her specific leadership style.
The political philosophy of Thatcherism is not without interest. It is based on several elements. This is an apologetics of free enterprise, personal initiative. At the same time, Thatcher considers the main incentive to be direct material gain, the desire to "arrange life as best as possible for yourself and your family." According to her, she thus "appeals to the best that is inherent in human nature."
The question of the motivation of human activity is one of the central ones in the philosophy of Thatcherism. “There is nothing wrong with creating wealth, only a passion for money for the sake of money is condemnable,” says Thatcher L.V. Kaminskaya, “Margaret Thatcher: The Essence of Politics”, Respublika Publishing House, Moscow, 1996, p. 94. Her philosophy is openly anti-egalitarian. “The pursuit of equality is a mirage. Opportunities mean nothing if behind them is not the right to inequality, the freedom to stand out from everyone "L. V. Kaminskaya," Margaret Thatcher: the essence of politics ", publishing house" Respublika ", Moscow, 1996, p. 95.
The defense of free enterprise, calls for the liberation of the individual from the fetters of "state bureaucracy" are born in polemics with the British Laborites as part of a general strategy for attacking socialism. “The state should not dominate people’s lives, should not penetrate into all its aspects, replacing personal responsibility” L.P. Kravchenko, “Who is who in the world of politics”, Poltiizdat publishing house, Moscow, 1990, p. 67.
To understand Thatcher's worldview, one must, it seems, bear in mind that she herself, unlike most of her predecessors, does not belong to the British establishment. She comes from the petty bourgeoisie. This largely explains the fact that an important element of the concept of Thatcherism was the “return to Victorian moral values” proclaimed by her: respect for the family and religion, law and order, thrift, accuracy, diligence, the primacy of the right of the individual.
Thatcher quite accurately captured the mood of certain sections of society, advocating that a “strong personality” be at the head of the country, which could restore Britain to its former greatness and restore “proper order” in the country. It is characteristic, for example, that in the sphere of public morality, the strengthening of law and order, Thatcher not only did not weaken the role of the state, but even significantly strengthened it. During her tenure, several important new laws were passed to expand the powers of the courts and the police, and immigration laws were tightened.
Thatcher's economic course was based on a monetarist concept that gave priority to reducing inflation by curbing the growth of the money supply and issuing it in such a volume that would be in direct proportion to output and the rate of interest. Monetary regulation is the main lever of influence on the economic situation. The Thatcher government consistently carried out the restructuring of the tax system. The reduction of taxation, according to its plan, should encourage business activity, increase the turnover of capital.
Margaret Thatcher vigorously and decisively broke the system of state corporations that had developed in the country. The privatization of the socialized sector is one of the main elements of the restructuring of the economy carried out by her. In conversations, including with our economists, she repeatedly noted the inflexibility of state-owned enterprises, their belated response to the ever-changing needs of the market. Because these businesses, she said, were state-sponsored, they didn't have to worry about their survival. At the same time, Thatcher said more than once that an important task of the government is to create the most favorable conditions for private business, which has the right to seek higher profits, subject to full responsibility for the results of its own activities. A feature of Thatcher's version of privatization is the wide sale of shares to small owners. Such a line, she noted, makes it possible to introduce a mass of ordinary Englishmen to the philosophy of possessiveness, and, therefore, politically, to strengthen the base of their support for the conservatives.
But all this does not mean that the policy of Thatcher and her government did not encounter significant difficulties. For example, in the social area, the creation of market competition in the healthcare sector, and in education reforms, there was a clear tendency to divide society into people of the "first" and "second" grade. It was in these matters that Thatcher crossed the line of social maneuvering. English voters were not ready for the restructuring of society on the principle of "every man for himself." This was reflected in the processes that ultimately forced Thatcher to resign from the leadership of the party. Of course, one must also take into account the rigidity of Thatcher's line in resolving budgetary issues in the European Union, which put London at risk of isolation in the community. She caused a real revolt in the ranks of her party, opposing the full participation of Great Britain in the European monetary system (it was planned to introduce a common currency throughout Europe). The methods of resolving issues in government gave reason to interpret Thatcher's style as authoritarian, as a departure from "the art of British classical diplomacy."
1. M. Thatcher and the British "neo-conservative revolution".
The defeat of the Conservatives in the 1974 elections was a signal for the activation of the internal party opposition. Its ideological leader was Keith Joseph, who repeatedly opposed Heath's policies with Margaret Thatcher while still in government. The organizational headquarters of the Joseph group was the Center for Political Studies, created in the summer of 1974, whose director was Alfred Sherman. With the support of the legal wing of the party, Joseph tried to oppose his views not only to Heath, but also to the Macmillan Tory generation. Together with Thatcher and Sherman, he led a group that tried to formulate the third version of the concept of "new conservatism", which turned out to be consonant with the general neo-conservative wave that changed the spiritual image of Western society in the 70-80s.
Joseph and other advocates of a radical renewal of the "new conservatism" saw the root of the problems of British society in the persistent attempts of all post-war governments "to do more and more for more and more people, to rebuild the economy and even society according to some pattern." They proclaimed the need for a radical break in the entire post-war model of the "welfare state". Heath was forced already in the course of the autumn election campaign of 1974 to largely agree with these views. Losing the initiative, Heath decided to hold re-elections of the party leader.
By a fatal coincidence, K. Joseph immediately dropped out of the electoral race. In a speech delivered on October 19 in parliament, he recklessly launched into arguments about ways to "intellectual and moral recovery" of society. One of the most important causes of the current crisis, he called the "deterioration of human resources", associated with an unjustifiably high birth rate among the lower classes. In the days that followed, a flurry of accusations of Malthusianism fell upon Joseph. In this situation, Joseph hastened to declare his unwillingness to participate in the struggle for the post of party leader and invited M. Thatcher to join it.
Thatcher herself at this time decisively updated her political image. Her speeches, full of sharp attacks on opponents, sarcasm and even real anger, were strikingly different from Heath's measured and academic speeches.
In 1975, Thatcher became the leader of a party in an acute crisis. The parliamentary faction and the entire leadership of the party were weakened by the fierce rivalry of the factions. Voter confidence plummeted. The size of the party, compared with the beginning of the 50s, has halved, the movement of "young conservatives" - three times. All this forced Thatcher to seek not a "cleansing", but the consolidation of the party elite. Key posts in her “shadow cabinet” were occupied not only by Joseph and Neve, but also by recent rivals Pryor and Howe. Whitelaw even became the vice-leader of the party. As part of Thatcher's entourage, representatives of the "old guard" also appeared - Lord Thornycroft, R. Maudling, A. Maud. At the same time, Thatcher made a lot of efforts to strengthen her influence among the “back benchers”. She retained an informal style of communication with ordinary deputies, contrary to a long tradition, she visited non-prestigious parliamentary cafes during lunch, discussing pressing problems right in lines or at tables, held a huge number of meetings with representatives of regional and youth organizations.
Thatcher consciously changed the style of the party leadership. She was sure that without the support of hundreds of party activists, without a radical transformation of the “mass party”, it was impossible to count on carrying out a radical program of social transformation. The party needed not a representative of the political establishment like Heath, but a new type of leader, a tough fighter and a determined politician. Thatcher organically accepted the role of a "general" leading her "army" into a "battle" in the name of "saving the nation." However, having gained a reputation as an "iron lady", Thatcher tried to maintain the image of "her man" for ordinary members of the party, who came out of their environment, close in terms of standards of thinking, value orientations, and life experience. This political style has become the most important hallmark of British neo-conservatism.
In 1976-1978. a set of program documents of the Conservative Party was developed, reflecting its ideological renewal. The key guidelines were the ideas of an anti-statist and anti-bureaucratic coup, ensuring the dynamics of economic growth based on private initiative, developing competition, and reducing the tax burden. A characteristic feature of the neoconservative program was the idea of reviving the "one nation" and ensuring social harmony. Closely related to the concept of "ownership democracy" developed by the Heath team, Thatcher's neo-conservatism was based on modern economic theory. It was based on the developments of American economists from the Chicago School of Monetarism M. Friedman and supporters of supply theory. A. Laffer and R. Regan. In Great Britain itself, monetarist theory has been developing since the 1960s. economists of the University of Manchester M. Parkin and D. Laidler, as well as A. Walters from the University of Birmingham. In the 70s. they were joined by a group of P. Minford from the University of Liverpool and B. Griffith from the London School of Economics. Walters was then appointed economic adviser to M. Thatcher.
Economists of the neoconservative direction argued that macroeconomic regulation by the state is not capable of ensuring sustainable economic growth. The basis of economic prosperity can only be a spontaneous, spontaneous order based on a system of natural competition, market entrepreneurial and industrial culture. The task of the state should be to ensure stable conditions for such an economic order, first of all, the fight against inflation. The state needs to abandon the destructive practice of deficit budget financing, outstripping income growth, and an active subsidized policy. Maintaining a high rate of economic growth, from the point of view of neoconservatives, can be achieved not by the development of aggregate demand factors, but by ensuring efficient supply - the mobility of capital and labor, the differentiation of their remuneration. Great importance was attached to competition in the labor market in conditions of "natural unemployment", the redistribution of property in favor of the private sector, the formation of a balanced business structure, including the development of small business, the rejection of social paternalism while fully encouraging entrepreneurial activity.
The most important merit of Thatcher and her like-minded people was the transformation of the economic theory of monetarism into an integral socio-political concept of the worldview level. In addition to calculating the effectiveness of the proposed economic model, the new generation of British conservatives proceeded from the need to revive social activity and responsibility of the individual, the priority of the interests of a particular person who is fighting to improve his life, and does not rely on state assistance. Thatcher's phrase: "Free cheese is only in a mousetrap" - has become a symbol of this social ideology. A feature of British neo-conservative political thought was also the great role of moral argumentation, an appeal to the "natural" conservatism of the British, the traditional Victorian spiritual values of British society - respect for the family and religion, law and order, hard work and thrift. The slogan "law and order" has become central to Thatcher's political program. Entering the struggle against the complacency and inertia of society, she called not for spontaneity and chaos, but for the formation of a dynamic, but stable social space. In combination with the invariable emotionality, expressiveness, the political style of the “iron lady”, the messianic pathos of her speeches, rigidity and strict consistency in the implementation of her goals - all these postulates formed the basis of the neo-conservative political philosophy of the British model.
The victory in the local elections in May 1977 marked a turning point in the rebirth of the Conservative Party. The ruling camp, on the contrary, was rapidly losing the confidence of the voters. The strike wave of the "hot winter" of 1979 convinced many British of the correctness of Thatcher's arguments. A huge shock for the supporters of the Conservative Party was the murder in March 1979 by Irish extremists of Airey Neave. On March 28, the Conservatives introduced a resolution in the House of Commons with a vote of no confidence in the government, which was passed by a one-vote majority. The government was forced to initiate the dissolution of parliament. During the elections of May 3, 1979, the Conservatives received the support of 43.9% of the voters, which brought 339 mandates out of 635.
When choosing the composition of the government, Thatcher this time relied on her like-minded people, supporters of a tough monetary policy. The key ministries of finance and industry were headed by Jeffrey Howe and Keith Joseph. Thatcher radically changed the nature of the work of government, minimizing collegiality and eliminating any factionalism. The government adopted an aggressive manner of conducting discussions, which was previously characteristic of Thatcher's parliamentary speeches. Increasingly, decisions were made by a narrow group of politicians headed by the prime minister, bypassing commissions and the cabinet. As early as 1981, the "iron lady" carried out a major "purge" of the government, removing all insufficiently loyal politicians from it.
The Thatcher government had to face extremely difficult problems in the field of economic and social policy. The favorable dynamics of economic processes, characteristic of the middle of 1979, quickly gave way to a growing decline. The “oil shock” had negative consequences. After the overthrow of the Shah's regime in Iran in 1979 and the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq war, OPEC countries doubled oil prices. As early as 1980, Western countries were drawn into a new crisis of overproduction. In the UK, the overall decline in industrial production was 12%, in manufacturing - 16%, and in light industry - up to 27%. The crisis was accompanied by a new round of inflation and a rapid rise in unemployment. The number of unemployed increased in 1980-1981. from 1.5 to 3.3 million people. However, despite such unfavorable conditions, the Thatcher government did not deviate from the original plans for structural reform of the economy.
Following the logic of the monetary concept, the government first of all tried to reduce inflation rates. This task required abandoning the practice of subsidies to industrial enterprises, tightening control over emissions, and returning to the policy of "expensive credit". The taxation system has been restructured. As a result of the reduction in income tax rates and the transition from direct progressive taxation of individuals and businesses to indirect direct taxes on large incomes were reduced by 3.5 billion pounds. while increasing the share of indirect taxes in budget revenues from 34% (in 1979) to 39% (in 1981). The value-added tax rate was raised from 8% to 15%, which was imposed on many consumer goods, household services, medical care, etc. All these measures were accompanied by an active propaganda campaign to reduce personal consumption. Neoconservatives urged the nation to "live within our means."
Regardless of social costs, the Thatcher government decided on a large-scale reduction in public spending on public utilities and roads, culture, and education. In 1980-1981. expenditures corresponding to expenditure items of the budget decreased by £4 billion. At the same time, there was a reduction in the number of the state apparatus and a decrease in the cost of its maintenance. Under the auspices of the campaign to save budgetary funds, a radical dismantling of the existing system of current state regulation took place. By 1982, all sectoral ministries were liquidated within the government.
The most important component of the anti-inflationary policy and a radical means of liberalizing the economy was the privatization of state-owned enterprises. Most of them were unprofitable and required constant subsidized support. Getting rid of this burden, combined with the financial receipts from privatization, could significantly improve the fiscal balance. The price that inevitably had to be paid for such a step was a new round of unemployment and social tension.
The "shock" anti-inflationary and structural policy of the Thatcher government brought positive results already by 1981-1982. By the end of this period, inflation had dropped to 4-5%. From the second half of 1982, the British economy began to show signs of recovery, and from 1983, a steady increase in production began. The share price of the most profitable companies increased significantly, and private investments grew at a high rate (by 10.3%). The consumer spending of the population also increased by 6.5%. However, "shock therapy" was accompanied by a decline in production in less profitable sectors, a reduction in employment at privatized enterprises, and an increase in tension in the labor market. By 1981, the unemployment rate was over 10% of the active population, and among young people the figure was four times higher. Only for 1980-1983. the number of unemployed increased from 2 to 3 million people. The problem of "inner urban areas" - former working areas in the city centers of traditional industries that have turned into slums - has become extremely aggravated. There was an increase in crime and terrorism.
In the summer of 1981, the largest cities in Great Britain (London, Birmingham, Bristol, Liverpool) were engulfed in spontaneous protests that escalated into violent clashes with the police and pogroms. The government insisted on a strict suppression of such actions by the police. The government also took an uncompromising position with regard to the organized labor movement. In the early 80s. A series of laws were passed to limit the rights of trade unions to call strikes. All kinds of solidarity strikes were declared illegal. In 1982, the provision that gave priority to trade union members in employment was also abolished. The government has shown even greater rigidity in the suppression of the protest movement in Northern Ireland. An additional military contingent was sent here in 1981. The prosecution of activists of Catholic organizations has intensified. In response, the Irish prisoners went on a hunger strike demanding political rather than criminal prosecution. Despite the death of ten of them, including Member of Parliament B. Sandys, the government did not make concessions.
The 1982 military conflict with Argentina over the Falkland (Malvinas) Islands had a turning point in the development of the domestic political situation in Great Britain. The rapid and successful completion of the war, the main theater of operations of which was 8 thousand miles from the country's territory, significantly strengthened the position of the government. All eleven weeks during which this conflict lasted, Thatcher carried out personal leadership of the political, material and diplomatic support of military operations and fully confirmed her reputation as an “iron lady”. Taking advantage of the favorable situation, she decided to hold early parliamentary elections. The election campaign was built in an offensive spirit. The Conservatives appealed to that part of British society that was ready to support the ideals of individual success and personal responsibility.
The opposition, which was going through a period of deep perestroika, turned out to be unprepared for a serious electoral struggle. In 1981, the long-awaited split in the Labor Party took place. The Roy Jenkins group finally left the party and formed the Social Democratic Party of Great Britain. Its leadership set a course for rapprochement with the Liberal Party. The alliance of the Liberal and Social Democratic parties built the election campaign on criticism of the rigidity and intransigence of Thatcherism, calling for the expansion of the powers of parliament to the detriment of the government, and the strengthening of the legal foundations of the state.
The Labor Party during these years made a noticeable ideological drift to the left. Left Labor leader Michael Foote took over the party in 1980 after Callaghan's resignation. The right wing was weakened by the departure of the Jenkins group. However, unexpectedly, Michael Foot was challenged by his recent ally, Anthony Wedgwood Benn. The confrontation between the two leaders took place on the same ideological and electoral "field". In the heat of rivalry, both put forward increasingly radical ideas, advocating the revival of the classical values of socialism, the implementation of broad programs for the nationalization of industry, the protection of trade union rights, and the country's withdrawal from the system of the European Communities. The untimeliness and unreality of such tasks was obvious.
As a result of the elections held on June 9, 1983, the Conservatives received the support of 42.4% of the voters (that is, 1.5% less than in 1979), but their faction in parliament grew from 339 to 397 deputies. 28.3% of voters voted for the Labor Party, 26% for the Alliance parties. The Labor Party received 209 seats, while the Liberals and Social Democrats received 23.
In the mid 80s. The Thatcher government carried out the most consistent and large-scale reforms. In 1984-1987 about a third of state-owned industrial, transport and commercial structures were privatized, including nine major concerns in the gas industry and the telecommunications system. On the securities market, the government sold off controlling stakes in the oil company British Petroleum, many enterprises in the steel and aerospace industries, electric power, water supply, and air transport. The participation of private capital in the development of oil fields in the North Sea, in the production of radioactive isotopes, and in the operation of coal mines has expanded. In just a decade of reforms, privatization of production assets worth 35 billion was carried out. The share of the public sector decreased from 10% to 6.5% of GNP.
In addition to privatization, the Thatcher government carried out a sharp reduction in all forms of subsidies and state aid to state-owned enterprises (about 10 times over the period 1980-1987). Concessional financing of the private sector has also decreased. Taking into account the reduction of the public sector in the course of privatization, the total amount of public investment has decreased in these years from 50% to 25%. This made it possible to stabilize the budget surplus achieved in previous years and prevent a new round of inflation in the face of economic recovery. The line on the liberalization of economic processes was continued. In addition to reducing state regulation, the government sought to introduce market principles into the activities of state-owned enterprises themselves. Despite the social costs, the austerity regime was maintained, unprofitable production lines and even entire enterprises were liquidated.
The government took measures to streamline the legal foundations of entrepreneurship. In 1985, a new Companies Act was adopted, which regulated all aspects of entrepreneurial activity and reduced the level of current administration in this area. The subject of special concern of the Thatcher government was the development of small and medium-sized businesses. For neoconservatives, it was especially important that small business is a sphere of economic activity with the greatest role of the human factor, a high degree of individualization of labor, creative freedom, self-realization of the employee, a kind of antithesis to standardized mass production. Nurturing the idea of educating a "nation of owners", the neoconservatives counted not only on the economic effect of the development of small business, but also on its impact on social psychology, the consolidation of the able-bodied part of the population. The result of the protectionist policy was a rapid increase in the stratum of small businessmen. Between 1980 and 1987, the number of self-employed individuals increased from 1.9 million to 3 million. At the end of the 80s. enterprises with less than 20 employees already employed 35% of the private sector workforce.
In addition to the development of small and medium-sized businesses, the neoconservatives considered “property dispersal” – the expansion of categories of owners – to be an important means of establishing a new social philosophy. Large-scale privatization allowed the general population to become shareholders. In contrast to the French experience of privatization in the UK, a significant part of the shares were put on sale in small lots. Shares of this kind were sold on favorable terms, and each citizen could buy only a strictly limited number of them. The purchase of shares by workers and employees of the privatized enterprises themselves was also encouraged. By the end of the 80s. The UK was already the world's second largest shareholder after the US.
An integral component of the policy aimed at the formation of a "society of owners" was the reform of housing, health care and education. Their leitmotif was the dismantling of the "general welfare" system. The Thatcher government launched a program of extensive privatization of municipal housing (up to 1/5 of the entire fund). Private housing construction was encouraged in every possible way, incentives were introduced for paying interest on a loan used for housing construction, and tax incentives for construction companies. At the same time, appropriations for public housing construction were halved. Owning one's own home was considered not so much in the context of solving the actual housing problem, but from the point of view of destroying a single standard of living, developing an individual aesthetics of life, and strengthening the very sense of ownership.
In the field of health care, the Thatcher government actually continued the policy of the Heath cabinet. Instead of a large-scale privatization program for the National Health Service, efforts were made to “de-statize” it, to introduce market principles.
The neoconservatives continued their fight against egalitarianism in the field of education, putting forward a program for the restoration of "educational pluralism". In 1980, the Parliament adopted a law on education, which provided for the expansion of the rights of parents to control the educational process, the increase in the powers of school councils, and the provision of complete information to citizens about educational institutions. These measures were intended to provide more differentiated and effective "parental choice". The practice of using "subsidized places" in state educational institutions, for which a certain fee was paid, expanded. In accordance with the new law on education, adopted in 1986, the level of requirements for state educational standards was increased, a differentiated system for assessing students' knowledge was introduced, on the basis of which a system of specialized education in the senior classes was created.
The active policy of restructuring the health, education and housing systems was designed not only to significantly increase its commercial efficiency, but also to promote the development of a new social philosophy, the establishment of a competitive spirit in society. Following this course, the Thatcher government even had to increase the amount of funds allocated for the development of the social sphere. On the eve of the 1987 elections, the government, not without pride, declared that over the past 8 years it has spent more on health and education than any of its predecessors.
The result of the energetic actions of the Thatcher government was a rapid improvement in all indicators of the development of the British economy. The average growth rate of production amounted to in the 80s. 3-4% per year. The rapid growth of export-import operations took place against the backdrop of maintaining a stable positive foreign trade balance. The pace of foreign investment increased. After the successful completion of a period of active anti-inflationary policy, the Thatcher government was able to significantly increase public investment. Their main objects were the automotive, electronic, printing, pulp and paper, and chemical industries. Unlike the previous practice of "supporting lame ducks", these investments were made primarily in highly profitable industries and were used to further modernize the technical and technological base. The level of qualification of workers has noticeably increased. Despite some tension in the labor market, by the end of the 80s. unemployment began to decline (9.8% in 1987, 6.8% in 1989). The growth of qualifications of labor personnel and the introduction of the latest management systems led to a rapid increase in labor productivity.
Evidence of the recovery of the British economy was not only the growth of its competitiveness within the global economic system, but also a steady increase in personal consumption. In the second half of the 80s. incomes of the population grew by about 5% per year. During this period, already 64% of British families had their own houses, more than 70% had cars, more than half could educate children in paid educational institutions that provided a higher level of education. These categories of the population referred themselves to the "middle class".
Against the backdrop of an economic recovery, the government initiated the dissolution of parliament a year before the end of its term. New elections were held on June 11, 1987. The program of the Conservatives was drawn up in optimistic terms and focused the attention of voters on the achievements of previous years. The ruling party was supported by 42.3% of voters (that is, 0.1% less than in the previous elections), which brought it 376 deputy mandates. The alliance of the Liberal and Social Democratic parties received the support of 22.9% of voters and 22 mandates. The alarming factor for the Alliance parties was not a decrease in their faction by one deputy, but a decrease in voters' confidence - in the previous elections, they voted for 4% more. The position of the Labor Party was affected by the change in the top leadership. Neil Kinnock, a representative of the centrist movement, was elected leader of the party, and began a systematic struggle against radical groups. But the new Labor leadership has not yet been able to define the contours of a renewed ideological program. The share of votes received by the Laborites increased from 28.3 to 32.1%, their parliamentary faction increased from 209 to 229 deputies, but this success was not enough to change the balance of power in the House of Commons.
After the successful elections, Thatcher did not make significant adjustments to the government's course. In 1988-1990. a new wave of privatization was carried out, affecting airport infrastructure, water supply systems and electricity. Again, the tax rates on campaign profits were significantly reduced, as was the income tax rate. The privatization of municipal housing, the stimulation of private housing construction, and the reform of the education system continued. In 1988 the pension system was reorganized. This made it possible to reduce the level of its administrative regulation and strengthen the targeting of social assistance. A new blow was dealt to the organized labor movement. The Employment Act of 1988 tightened measures against unions that violate the rules for calling strikes. The 1990 act finally abolished the “closed shop” rule, under which trade unions could seek full union membership for workers in a given enterprise and prevent the employment of non-union members.
In the context of maintaining a favorable economic environment, the position of the Thatcher government remained stable until the end of the 1980s. However, the negative aspects of Thatcherism also gradually became apparent. The policy of dismantling the "welfare state" caused a deep social polarization of society. Despite the fact that the average per capita income in the 80s. increased by 23%, about 20% of families found themselves in conditions of real poverty. These sections of society negatively perceived the cult of competitiveness and competition preached by neoconservatives. At the same time, the Thatcherists’ stake on dynamic, emancipated social groups, on a person ready to “make himself” on his own, refusing to be guarded and supported by society, was not combined with the pathos of traditional Victorian values, the rigidity of Thatcher’s style, and the uncompromising struggle against political and ideological pluralism. The moral fatigue of Thatcherism was becoming evident.
On the basis of the rejection of political authoritarianism, Thatcher in 1986-1989. a series of scandals broke out in the government, culminating in the voluntary resignations of Secretary of Defense Michael Heseltine and Deputy Prime Minister Jeffrey Howe. The resignation of Finance Minister Nigel Lawson in November 1989 took place against the backdrop of a growing wave of discontent in society. The reason was the reform of the system of local taxation. The tax imposed by local governments, which is usually calculated depending on the value of real estate or the size of the business, has been replaced by a single "head tax". Most of the British perceived the new tax as an extreme manifestation of social injustice. Losing support, Thatcher had to agree to an election of the party leader in the autumn of 1990.
Competing in the first round with Heseltine, Thatcher received 204 votes. Her opponent - 152. This gave good chances for the second round, but, realizing that such a struggle for leadership puts the party on the verge of a split, Thatcher decided to withdraw her candidacy. In the second round of elections, Heseltine was opposed by two politicians from Thatcher's inner circle - John Major and Douglas Hurd. Major was supported by both the Thatcherists (including the Iron Lady herself) and many supporters of a change in state policy. Age was especially in favor of Major: Thatcher's 47-year-old successor was more associated with the renewal of the party leadership than the 57-year-old opposition leader Heseltine or the 60-year-old Heard. In the second round of voting, Major received 185 votes, Heseltine - 131, Hurd - 56.
2. D. Major and the "perestroika" of British neo-conservatism.
John Major became known to the general public only in July 1989 after his appointment as Minister of Foreign Affairs. His rapid promotion to the post of party leader and prime minister in a different situation could lower the government's rating. But society welcomed the change in leadership of the ruling party. Major's personal image played an important role. Young, charming, always friendly, calm, with a quiet voice, smiling eyes behind big "professor's" glasses - he was very impressed by voters who were tired of the style of the "iron lady". The press invariably emphasized that the new Tory leader was from the very bottom of English society, a man who "made himself." At the same time, the political will and firmness of Major, shown during the military conflict in the Persian Gulf in early 1991, were also evaluated.
Contrary to forecasts, Major was in no hurry to dissolve parliament and spent a year trying to restore voters' confidence. The decision to abolish the "poll tax" had a great propaganda effect. In 1991, it was replaced by a differentiated taxation scheme based on the income level of citizens. The government avoided radical steps in the area of economic policy, despite a significant deterioration in key development indicators. In 1991, GDP contracted by 2%, industrial production by 3%, inflation reached almost 6% per year, and the state budget deficit amounted to 3% of GDP. Some passivity of the government was explained by the desire "not to rock the boat." On the eve of the next parliamentary elections, Major abandoned Thatcher's tactics of mobilizing an active, "sustainable" electorate and relied on attracting the sympathy of the general public.
For Labor leader Neil Kinnock, the 1992 elections were the last chance to prove the viability of his claims to the role of national leader. He significantly modernized the party's program, abandoning promises to restore the position of the public sector in the economy, repeal anti-union legislation, eliminate the House of Lords and revive the large-scale construction of municipal housing. In contrast to his previous speeches, Kinnock even began to advocate for greater British participation in the process of European integration. Successes in local elections in 1990-1991. testified to the interest of voters in the renewed Labor Party. However, Kinnock failed to formulate the conceptual basis of the new version of Laborism.
Liberal Democrats were extremely active during the election campaign. The turning point in the history of this movement was the transformation in 1988 of the alliance of the Liberal and Social Democratic parties into a single Party of Liberal Democrats. The basis of the program of the new party was the idea of consistently strengthening the market fundamentals of the economy, integrating Great Britain into the European Union, including joining the European monetary system. However, less than a month before the election, a scandal erupted around the leader of the Liberal Democrat Party, Paddy Ashdown. The exposure of his intimate relationship with his secretary significantly reduced the popularity of the party leadership.
Elections to the House of Commons on April 2, 1992 brought a new victory for the Conservative Party. She received the support of 41.9% of voters, Labor - 34.4%, Liberal Democrats - 17.8%. The Conservative faction was reduced to 338 deputies, but was sufficient to form a stable majority. Labor received only 271 seats, while the Liberal Democrats received 20.
Despite the successful completion of the elections, Major had to fight for another three years to strengthen his positions in the party and parliament. During the period of negotiations on the signing of the Maastricht Treaty establishing the European Union, "Euroskeptics" from the Conservative Party raised a real rebellion by voting against government bills. A painful blow for Major was the resignation in May 1993 of Finance Minister N. Lamont, who disagreed with the Prime Minister's budgetary policy. The emerging split in the leadership of the ruling party led to a rapid decline in its popularity among voters. In 1994, the Conservatives were defeated in the European Parliament and local elections.
To overcome internal party opposition, Major had to use the most brutal methods. In November 1994, a vote in Parliament on a bill for the British contribution to the EU budget was given the form of a vote of confidence in the government. Faced with the threat of the dissolution of parliament, the "Eurosceptic" Tories were forced to vote in support of the government's position. In the spring of 1995, Major announced his intention to step down as leader and hold re-elections. In the elections held on July 4, 1995, 218 votes were cast for Major's candidacy, and 89 votes for his rival John Redwood. This victory allowed Major to significantly reduce the intensity of the political struggle around the government.
The improvement of the economic situation in Great Britain contributed to the stabilization of the political situation. In 1992, the economic recession gave way to recovery, and then to recovery. By its intensity, until the second half of 1997, it exceeded the development dynamics of other EU countries. The average annual GDP growth rate in the UK in 1993-1997. amounted to 2.8%. The unemployment rate fell to 8% in 1995 and to 5% of the economically active population by early 1998 (the lowest since 1980). In total, the number of employees increased by almost 1.2 million people. Employment among women has noticeably increased (in 1997 they already accounted for 47% of the total number of workers and employees).
The main sources of growth were the results of the structural adjustment of the British economy, carried out in the 80s, the increase in the export of British goods, the expansion of production and export of gas and oil, and the increase in personal consumption. A distinctive feature of the cycle was the continuous expansion of the industrial sector, which had not been observed during the previous two decades. The growth rate of labor productivity in industry remained high (3-4% per year). Investments grew much more slowly during this period: in 1994 by 4.3%, in 1995-1996. by less than 2%, in 1997 by 4.3%. But the lagging growth of capital investment behind the pace of increasing production testified to an increase in the return on capital, the efficiency of investments, an increase in labor productivity, and a balanced sectoral structure.
The Major's government continued to support small businesses that create an innovative environment for economic development. In 1992, the “Charter of Small Business” was developed, in accordance with which a favorable regime in the field of lending and tax incentives for small businesses, consulting on management and marketing, providing direct financial assistance through a grant system, and encouraging the export activities of small firms were provided.
As part of its structural policy, Major's government continued to implement privatization programs. The privatization of electric power enterprises was completed, the privatization of mines and the railway sector continued. At the same time, special efforts were made to encourage competition in the privatized industries that retained their monopoly structure. At enterprises that remained state-owned, measures were taken to reduce employment and upgrade equipment.
Growing business activity, rising overseas demand for British goods and growing energy exports set the stage for an export boom in 1994-1995. During these years, with an increase in imports by about 4-5% per year, exports increased by 10% per year (to the EU countries - 14%). Economic recovery of the 90s. occurred almost without inflationary background. For the first time in the post-war period, the rate of economic growth steadily exceeded the rate of price growth.
Despite the favorable economic situation, the Major government pursued a tough policy in the field of labor relations. The old line on reducing the cost of labor as an important factor in reducing the overall cost of production has been preserved. Legislation has not established strict norms for the duration of the working week. The ratio of the dynamics of wage growth and labor productivity has changed not in favor of workers. Unlike other EU countries in the UK in the 90s. the conditions for dismissal of workers were not complicated and many restrictions on discriminatory labor practices were not introduced. The UK has not joined the EU Social Charter.
By rejecting, like Thatcher, the possibility of at least a partial restoration of the "welfare state", Major introduced a fundamentally new aspect to social policy. The leitmotif of government programs was the strengthening of the legal foundations of civil society, the combination of the ideals of competitiveness and competition with the principles of solidarity and cooperation. The government prepared in 1992-1993. a series of documents under the general title "Citizens' Charter". It included eighteen specific "charters", including the "Charter of Parents", "Charter of Patients", "Charter of Tenants", "Charter of Consumers", "Charter of Jobseekers", "Charter of Passengers", etc. By the end of 1994 The number of charters has already increased to forty.
The primary task of these government orders was to create a modern consumer and information standard for the activities of various government services and commercial structures, to restore an effective balance of private initiative and public control in the most important areas of social security. But many charters have actually turned into a kind of constitution, fixing a set of basic rights of citizens in a particular area of public life, the rules of their relationship with the state.
Regional policy became much more active during Major's reign. Its main directions were to stimulate the economic development of the most backward areas of Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales, as well as to implement a number of political and legal reforms. In 1994, a reform of local government in Scotland was carried out, during which regional governments received broader powers in matters of environmental policy, road and housing construction, education, and health care. In Wales, elements of the so-called corporate autonomy were introduced, based on the consolidation of the national language space. The privileges of the Welsh language were secured, including the obligatory study of it in schools in Wales, the creation of television channels in Welsh, the writing of all signs and names in two languages. The 1994 law fixed the administrative-territorial structure of Wales by analogy with English. The discussion about the creation of local representative bodies in Scotland and Wales did not bring results.
During 1993-1994. Major's government held intense negotiations with the political leaders of Northern Ireland and the government of the Republic of Ireland. By the beginning of 1995, a historic agreement was reached between the two states, which became the basis for the further settlement of the Ulster problem. The Government of Ireland announced its readiness to revise two key articles of its constitution, which declared the need for the reunification of a single Irish state. The British government, in turn, agreed to a change in those laws that considered Northern Ireland as a "perpetual province" of the United Kingdom. But the terrorist attacks of Irish extremists again became an obstacle to the implementation of this project.
As a sign of disagreement with the course of reconciliation, a radical grouping left the IRA in 1994 and created the Irish Continuation Army (IAP). Its militants organized a series of explosions in the cities of Ulster and England. Subsequently, the initiative in continuing the terrorist war passed to the breakaway from the IRA "Genuine Irish Republican Army". The actions of the IAP and the PIRA disrupted the 1996 elections to the "Ulster Forum" (an electoral assembly that was supposed to make up a circle of delegates to the Northern Ireland multi-party negotiations). The disruption of the peace process in Northern Ireland and the growing tension in the dialogue between the London government and the nationalist movements in Scotland and Wales significantly weakened the position of the Conservative Party before the 1997 parliamentary elections.
3. British foreign policy in the 80s - the first half of the 90s.
The foreign policy strategy of the government of M. Thatcher provided for the revival of the status of Great Britain as a great power, the inclusion in the orbit of British policy of a wide range of global and regional issues, including those that go beyond the immediate interests of the country. The rigidity and decisiveness inherent in the political style of the "Iron Lady" became characteristic of the actions of British diplomacy.
Already in the first months after coming to power, Thatcher's team had to make their debut in the diplomatic arena in an extremely acute situation. At the Commonwealth Conference in Lusaka in 1979, a decisive attempt was made to resolve the decades-long Southern Rhodesian crisis. The British side acted as the initiator and guarantor of the constitutional reform in Southern Rhodesia and the holding of general elections in that country. Already in 1980, the independent Republic of Zimbabwe (named after the African population of the country) became a member of the Commonwealth.
At the Lusaka Conference, Thatcher demonstrated not only a desire to actively participate in the development of the Commonwealth, but also a willingness to defend the priorities of national policy. By joining the Declaration on Racism and Racial Prejudice adopted at the conference, Great Britain reserved the right to independently determine the principles of immigration policy, forms of participation in the agreed Commonwealth policy towards countries that violate the principle of racial equality. In subsequent years, avoiding direct support of South Africa, Great Britain only formally took part in Commonwealth sanctions against this country.
Developing economic relations with the Commonwealth countries, the Thatcher government tried to build them in the spirit of pragmatism and rationality. The potential of the Commonwealth began to be used not so much for helping the least developed countries, but for comprehensive mutually beneficial cooperation. In her desire to get rid of the traditions of paternalism, Thatcher blocked India's initiative to create a special economic fund for the poorest countries, the Jamaican Prime Minister's project to form a special international body to support the struggle of developing countries against the drug mafia.
Thatcher supported the gradual transformation of the Commonwealth into a multilateral international organization, building its activities on the basis of customary international law, and not "special relations". This approach was finally enshrined in the Vancouver Declaration of the Commonwealth in 1987. But in the end, the UK's leading position in the Commonwealth only strengthened. Having staked on the development of bilateral mutually beneficial relations with the former colonies, Great Britain managed in the late 80s and early 90s. significantly strengthen its economic and military-political presence in the traditional zones of influence.
The Thatcher government demonstrated its readiness to defend its interests anywhere in the world in 1982, when the Anglo-Argentine conflict arose over the Falkland (Malvinas) Islands. This archipelago, located in the southwestern part of the Atlantic Ocean, was a disputed territory between the two countries for a century and a half. From 1833 it was under the control of the British. Since the middle of the XX century. Argentina has intensified its struggle for the return of the islands. On April 2, 1982, Argentine troops landed on the islands during Operation Sovereignty. Governor R. Hunt was removed and, together with a hundred marines of the garrison, was deported to his homeland. On the same day, at an emergency meeting of the British government, it was decided to break off relations with Argentina and send a military squadron of 40 ships to the Falkland Islands.
At the end of April, the British squadron began hostilities in the Falkland Islands. After the British submarine Conqueror sank the cruiser General Belgrano on May 2, Argentine warships were forced to return to their bases. The battle in the following days took place mainly in the air. Argentine pilots managed to sink the newest British guided-missile destroyer Sheffield and several other ships. On May 21, British special forces managed to land on the islands. Only by June 15, after fierce fighting, the Argentine garrison capitulated. No official agreement was reached on the cessation of hostilities between Great Britain and Argentina (as well as there was no formal declaration of war). The Argentine armed forces lost about 1300 people killed, the British - 250 people. But the Thatcher government fully used the propaganda effect of the "small victorious war".
The Falklands crisis significantly strengthened the Anglo-American allied relations. When a draft resolution was put forward in the UN Security Council calling on both sides to immediately cease fire and begin peace talks, Britain and the United States blocked its adoption with a double veto. The rapprochement between Great Britain and the United States during this period was largely due to Thatcher's personal relationship with President Ronald Reagan. Both leaders shared similar political ideals and carried out radical internal transformations. Both faced the dual socio-psychological consequences of the "neo-conservative revolution" and were in dire need of bright diplomatic victories.
Thatcher's visit to Washington in September 1983 demonstrated that the "special relationship" between Britain and the United States was in full bloom. The situation did not change even after the action of Washington in October 1983, which was clearly incorrect in relation to Great Britain, when the Americans undertook a demonstrative "police" action on the island of Grenada, which is part of the Commonwealth. In the second half of the 80s. Great Britain has always stood in solidarity with its strategic ally on issues of regional conflicts. Understanding in London was found by the hostile course of the United States towards Iran, support for the Mujahideen movement in Afghanistan and the Pakistani regime patronizing them, and the struggle against the national liberation movement in Nicaragua. London supported the US military action against Libya in 1986, when the US Air Force used British airfields for raids on Tripoli. Following the United States and along with France and Italy, Great Britain sent a peacekeeping contingent to Lebanon. In the development of Washington's Camp David strategy, British diplomacy participated in the establishment of the Arab-Israeli negotiation process.
Great Britain's allied relations with the United States have also strengthened significantly in global matters. Thatcher's coming to power coincided with a new round of international confrontation, provoked by the deployment of new types of nuclear weapons in Europe by both blocs, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the imposition of martial law in Poland. Great Britain also made its contribution to the noisy anti-Soviet propaganda war by supporting the boycott of the Olympics in Moscow and significantly reducing economic and cultural cooperation with the USSR. Thatcher fully supported NATO's plans to build up armaments, agreeing to the deployment of 160 medium-range missiles in the UK and to the implementation of a program to modernize nuclear submarines using American Trident missiles. Approvingly, she also reacted to the American SDI project.
Despite her strong anti-Soviet stance in the early years of her reign, Thatcher was the first Western leader to support the change in the nature of international relations after the start of political changes in the USSR. At the end of 1984 M. Gorbachev paid an official visit to London. The talks with Thatcher were one of Gorbachev's first serious steps as a world-class diplomat. Thatcher especially appreciated the special charm of the new Soviet leader, his ability to open and trust dialogue. In the future, their relationship retained an exceptionally constructive and emphatically respectful character. In 1986-1987 during the visits of E. Shevardnadze to London and M. Thatcher to Moscow, packages of agreements were adopted on all aspects of Soviet-British relations.
D. Major had to face completely new problems in relations with Moscow and Washington. The obvious confrontation between the Soviet and Russian leadership, the intensification of national movements in the republics of the USSR, the geopolitical benefits of the collapse of the Soviet Union, combined with the negative consequences of the disintegration of a nuclear power, the replacement of the charismatic Gorbachev by the powerful Yeltsin then put Western politicians before a difficult choice. Major managed to find an effective algorithm for reorienting from Anglo-Soviet to Anglo-Russian political dialogue. Constantly speaking out against separatism and in support of the successive development of Soviet statehood, already in January 1991 he reacted very harshly to the events in Lithuania and Latvia (unlike France, the USA and Italy). In August 1991, Major was the first European leader to condemn the putsch in Moscow. Thus, having perceived the collapse of the USSR without much enthusiasm, Great Britain did not hesitate to recognize Russia as a successor state. The same caution was shown by Major later. He expressed support for Yeltsin before the events of October 1993 before other Western leaders. Unlike Mitterrand and Kohl, who condemned the war in Chechnya, the British Prime Minister, being in Moscow on the occasion of the celebration of the 50th anniversary of the Victory, only showed "concern" about this.
The correct position of the British leadership in relation to the events in Russia contributed to the establishment of constructive and businesslike relations between the two countries. But there was no "special" personal relationship between Major and Yeltsin. This was clearly demonstrated by Yeltsin's visit to Great Britain in November 1992. The signing of an open-ended Treaty on the Principles of Relations between Russia and the United Kingdom gave a new impetus to relations between the two countries in almost all areas, but did not become the basis for the start of strategic cooperation. The situation did not change in 1994, when the leaders of the two countries met five times, and Queen Elizabeth II made the first ever official visit to Russia.
Anglo-American relations developed just as ambiguously during Major's reign. Great Britain actively participated in the UN military operations in the Persian Gulf zone. Already in the autumn of 1990, British aircraft began to participate in patrolling the airspace of Saudi Arabia. At the same time, a 45,000-strong British contingent, which became part of the international coalition forces, was redeployed to the Gulf zone. In November 1990, Great Britain supported the UN resolution that issued an ultimatum to Iraq regarding the withdrawal of troops from Kuwait. The British public has taken an unprecedentedly hard line towards the Iraqi regime, even compared to other Western countries. More than 80% of the British were in favor of the participation of the army in hostilities in the Gulf. Major, with the support of all the major political parties, also took an uncompromising position, opposing any negotiations with Saddam Hussein.
The position of British diplomacy in the Iraqi issue and the participation of British units in Operation Desert Storm in February 1991 became the impetus for a new rapprochement between Great Britain and the United States. But since 1993, the intensity of Anglo-American cooperation has significantly decreased. London very frankly supported the Republicans in the presidential elections, and Major did not develop close relations with the new president, B. Clinton. In subsequent years, British diplomacy took a completely independent position on issues of fundamental importance to Washington. Disagreements over the interethnic conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina were indicative, when the US and the UK took a diametrically opposed position regarding the lifting of the arms embargo, as well as bombing Serbian positions. London supported the imposition of sanctions against Yugoslavia, but strongly opposed the involvement of international peacekeeping forces in hostilities. It was only in April 1995 that Major succeeded during his visit to Washington to achieve convergence of positions on the Bosnian issue, and in December 1995 British diplomacy mediated in organizing negotiations between the parties to the conflict to sign a peace treaty.
The key direction of British foreign policy in the 80s - the first half of the 90s. remained involved in the process of European integration. M. Thatcher introduced her inherent rigidity and purposefulness into relations with European partners, seeking to revise the principles of economic cooperation and financing of the EEC budget that are unfavorable for Great Britain. Since 1979, a long period of difficult negotiations began, accompanied by periodic scandals and outbreaks of trade wars. Britain's tough stance became an obstacle to the stabilization of the EEC's budgetary system, delayed the implementation of many integration programs, and complicated negotiations on Spain and Portugal joining the EEC. Only four years later a compromise solution was reached.
The dissatisfaction of the British government was also caused by the agricultural policy of the EEC, focused on subsidized support for farmers. Thatcher often used her veto power to block the EEC's pricing policy in this industry. Under heavy pressure from British diplomacy, the countries of the Common Market had to decide in 1983 to gradually reduce spending on the agricultural program.
In the second half of the 80s. the key problem of European policy was the preparation of the transformation of the system of the European Communities into the European Union. This goal was formulated in the Single European Act adopted in February 1986. Many of the innovations were actively supported by British diplomacy. Great Britain advocated the intensification of political and foreign policy cooperation without the formation of any new supranational structures and additional delegation of powers to pan-European bodies. It was on this basis that in the second half of the 1980s and a new integration structure was taking shape - European political cooperation.
Without rejecting the very idea of creating a European Council, the Thatcher government actively opposed a number of new integration projects, including the formation of the European Monetary Union, which involves the transition to a single monetary system. Thatcher hoped to delay the inclusion of the UK in such programs as much as possible. She was also very sensitive to proposals for the unification of tax, labor, and immigration legislation. Thatcher opposed Britain's accession to the Schengen Agreements signed in 1986.
The Major has significantly changed the European strategy. He believed that it was more effective to protect the national interests of Great Britain by not blocking the process of deepening integration, but by actively participating in the development of the concept and legal foundations of the future European Union, defending his vision of the future of Europe. The Major played a big role in abandoning the federalist concept of building the EU and consolidating the concept of "European Union", as meaning not the formation of a new supranational organizational structure, but a new quality of cooperation between European countries. An important achievement of British diplomacy was the development of an annex to the Maastricht Treaty called "Declaration on the application of Community legal acts." It noted that the way in which EU statutory provisions are applied is determined by each Member State, taking into account its own institutions, legal system and other circumstances. Major initiated the inclusion in the legal concept of the European Union of the principle of subsidiarity, which implies that the solution of a particular issue falls within the competence of the Union only if it cannot be carried out equally effectively and qualified at the national level.
The Maastricht Treaty on the European Union provided for three main areas of integration - the creation of a single European market (including a single currency system), the formation of a common course in the field of foreign policy and defense, and the unification of the domestic and legislative policies of member countries. Major had to go along with this overall strategy. But British diplomacy still counted on the possibility of gradual and selective accession to new forms of integration ties. Major was an ardent supporter of the idea of "integrating different speeds." It was understood that the progress of all EU member states along the path of integration did not have to be synchronous, and national specifics could be the basis for creating special transitional mechanisms and determining intermediate terms for inclusion in EU programs. The concept of "integration at different speeds" allowed the Major government to abandon specific commitments in a number of areas of EU development, without exacerbating relations with partners.
The discussion of the Maastricht Treaty in the House of Commons caused a fierce controversy between "Euroromantics" and "Eurosceptics". The struggle against the government's course paradoxically united the right wing of the Conservative Party with those Laborites who demanded the country's accession to EU social legislation. The debate culminated on 23 July 1993 when Labor made an attempt to get the UK to join the Social Charter. In protest against Major's policy, 23 "Eurosceptics" from the Tory party also voted for this resolution. The vote brought a rare result - 317 against 317. Only the speaker's vote saved the government's position. The very next day, Major put to the vote the question of the implementation of the Maastricht Treaty, to the text of which the British parliamentarians made more than 600 amendments. Under the threat of the fall of the government, the entire faction of conservatives had to vote in support of the bill.
Despite the victory in parliament, the government was forced to make significant adjustments to its integration policy. Developing the idea of a "multi-speed" European Union, Major in 1994-1995. increasingly advocated for the "changing geometry" of cooperation in the EU. It was understood that various aspects of integration cooperation may not be extended to all members of the Union, but implemented through a series of agreements between different groups of countries. In 1996, the government announced its intention to fight for a change in the principles of economic integration and to postpone the decision to join the union until a referendum.
Britain's relations with its EU partners deteriorated significantly in connection with the "cow crisis" that broke out in April 1996. After a mass infection of cows with porous encephalitis, a ban on the import of British beef into the EU countries followed, which led to the destruction of 1.2 million head of livestock and huge financial losses (more than 5 billion pounds). In response to the EU's refusal to ease the embargo, as well as set a date for its lifting, Major announced the blocking of those issues in the EU, the solution of which required consensus. As a result of this "non-cooperation" policy, the British government suspended 74 decisions in 1996. The crisis in relations with European partners coincided with a new election campaign.
4. New Labor by Anthony Blair.
Throughout the 90s. an active search for a new ideological and political image of the Labor movement continued. N. Kinnock was forced to resign despite the fact that it was under his leadership that a decisive turn towards the renewal of Laborism was carried out. John Smith, who succeeded him in 1992, was a talented organizer and orator who continued his reformist course. He achieved a significant weakening of the influence of the trade unions on the Labor Party. The decisive role in this was played by the abolition at the party congress in 1993 of the practice of "summary voting", according to which the head of a trade union, which is a collective member of the party, voted on behalf of all members of this organization. The congress introduced the voting procedure on the principle of "one person - one vote". In the same 1993, the last representatives of the Labor "ultra-socialism" were removed from the leadership of the Labor Party. Laborism was turning into a social-liberal ideology.
Smith's sudden death from two heart attacks in May 1994 did not stop the reform of the party. The leader was 40-year-old Anthony Blair, personifying a new generation of British politicians. Based on the results of the activities of his predecessors, Blair concentrated his main efforts on changing the image of the Laborites, shaping their image as a "new" party. The first step along this path was taken under Kinnock, who achieved a significant change from the red flag as a party symbol to a red rose. Blair staked on the consolidation of the innovative image of "new laborism" in the mass consciousness with the use of modern PR technologies, the professional building of the image of the new party leadership as a galaxy of politicians of the 21st century.
The milestone event was the 1995 Labor Party Conference, dedicated to changing the party charter. The new version of the charter defined the Labor Party as "democratic and socialist", oriented towards the creation of a "just society" based on dynamism and competition, providing equality of opportunity and guarantees against poverty. Provisions on the priority of public ownership of the means of production were excluded from the charter. The very concept of "socialism" acquired a more ethical connotation, reflecting the ideal of optimal interaction between the individual and society, and not a specific project of social order. As a sign of disagreement with the decisions of the 1995 conference, Arthur Scargill's group withdrew from the Labor Party and formed the Socialist Labor Party. But this split did not actually affect either the Labor ratings or the position of their leader.
Election manifesto
In the late 1970s, the country's financial and economic problems worsened. The Labor government of J. Callaghan was unable to cope with the situation and the House of Commons in 1979. gave him a vote of no confidence. Parliament was dissolved, and the Conservative Party won the new elections. For the first time in the history of England, a woman became Prime Minister - Margaret Thatcher.
The Conservatives came to power with a clear program of action, the purpose of which was to bring Britain out of socio-economic stagnation.
M. Thatcher believed that for this it was necessary: firstly, to stop inflation, the increase of which destroyed the economic life of the country, and secondly, to reduce taxes on corporate profits and personal income, which would make it possible to increase investment in the economy; thirdly, to minimize state interference in economic and social affairs, which has so far had a negative impact on the development of the economy; fourthly, to "tame" the trade unions, which, according to the conservatives, concentrated excessive power, which undermined the development of business. So, the put forward program provided for fundamental changes in the socio-economic sphere Peregudov S.P. Thatcher and Thatcherism / S.P. Peregudov., M .: "Nauka", 1996. P. 128.
The Cabinet of M. Thatcher steadily and consistently implemented the program in life. He sought to provide maximum freedom to private entrepreneurship, to promote the growth of the role of corporations and the market in regulating economic processes while limiting the entrepreneurial activity of the state. The government has begun a systematic reduction of the state sector of the economy. In the fight against inflation, a course was taken to reduce the growth rate of government spending, in particular, the reduction of social programs. The government launched an attack on trade union rights. Employment laws passed by parliament complicated the procedure for calling and conducting strikes, provided for the prosecution of the organizers of illegal strikes, and made it difficult for businesses to picket.
During this period, this included lowering business taxation, building "people's capitalism" by selling council houses to tenants, and striking a balance between employers and unions.
The most interesting features of this period, however, were the two macroeconomic goals of the Thatcher government. The first was the victory over inflation, which by 1979 reached 20%, the second was the adoption of a balanced budget. Both of these goals were considered as necessary, but not sufficient conditions for the growth of the British economy Peregudov S.P. Thatcher and Thatcherism / S.P. Peregudov.
The policy developed to achieve these goals was a medium-term financial strategy - some kind of monetarism, or at least an attempt to control some parameters of the money supply and, secondly, control the budget deficit. As far as credibility is concerned, an important aspect of this policy was that, in the context of tariff negotiations on relatively high wages, it (the policy) led to a severe decline in production, thus imposing a severe political cost on the Thatcher government.
Speaking of Margaret Thatcher, Anthony King emphasizes: "She has her own political views, different from most members of the Conservative Party. She is determined to make her position the position of the government and is ready to risk her authority on an unprecedented scale."
The government's measures have received mixed reactions. They only began to give economic results after some time, but immediately affected the material interests of the general population. In 1979-1982 England was gripped by an economic crisis, exacerbated by inflation. Unemployment has become significant. The position of the government remained difficult.
The 1980 and especially 1981 budgets represented the exact opposite of the Keynesian argument that government intervention is required to bring the economy out of a manufacturing slump. In 1981 £4bn was taken out of the economy while unemployment rose rapidly.
However, since 1982 the economic situation began to improve, and in 1985. began a rise that continued until 1990. The rate of inflation dropped noticeably, and unemployment began to decline (from 3.3 million in 1985 to 2.3 million in 1988). Labor productivity has risen sharply. The successes of the 1980s in the development of the British economy are called the "English miracle" Peregudov S.P. Thatcher and Thatcherism / S.P. Peregudov.
Significantly influenced the development of the economy and the strengthening of finances, the discovery and development of oil fields in the North Sea, off the coast of Scotland. Great Britain not only fully provided itself with energy resources, which previously required huge funds, but also became an exporter of oil and oil products. As a result, the external debt of England has significantly decreased. Increased gold reserves. The pound sterling rose.
Economic success contributed to the growth of household incomes (by 7-8% annually). During the 80s, the number of shareholders in England tripled, exceeding 8 million - every third Briton became the owner of shares; 15 million families (60% of the total) live in their own houses or apartments. By these indicators, England approached the level of the United States.
Raising the material standard of living of the population contributed to the mitigation of social contradictions. As in other developed countries, there was a sharp decline in the strike movement. The number of trade unions has been reduced. The last big strike was the general strike of the miners, which lasted almost a year - from March 1984. until March 1985 More than 180 thousand miners took part in it, protesting against the decision of the authorities to close some unprofitable mines, but they failed to achieve success. The government showed unshakable firmness, and did not make any concessions to the miners (it was not for nothing that M. Thatcher received the nickname "Iron Lady" in the press) Peregudov S. P. Thatcher and Thatcherism / S. P. Peregudov. 1996. S. 154.
The successes achieved in the recovery of the economy and finances strengthened the positions of the Conservative Party, the government and personally M. Thatcher. She became the longest-serving British Prime Minister of the 20th century. However, at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, the positions of the "iron lady" began to weaken, and some specific steps in the field of domestic and foreign policy were sharply criticized by the leadership of the Conservative Party and the government. At the end of 1990 M. Thatcher was forced to resign.
During the reign of Margaret Thatcher, a lot of banking outlets in the depressed areas of Great Britain were closed, as a result, now 10 percent. The territory of England is deprived of banking services, that is, the population does not have bank accounts.
The anti-inflationary policy of the government of M. Thatcher had positive results. Already in 1982 - 1983. The inflation rate dropped to 5%, in the late 80s. - up to 35 per year, that is, up to the value recommended by the monetarist school in political economy.
Another important direction of the reforms was the course towards a significant reduction or (in a number of sectors of the economy) the complete elimination of state entrepreneurship. This was expressed, first of all, in the implementation of a broad denationalization of enterprises in the public sector of the economy and preferential stimulation of private business.
Since 1980, the government of M. Thatcher has begun to conduct a large-scale campaign to denationalize state-owned enterprises. Rich oil fields in the North Sea, factories for the production of radioactive isotopes, a national shipping company, coal mines, etc. were sold to private firms. The government paid special attention to the privatization of the oil, steel, aerospace industries, and air transport. It is characteristic that only profitable enterprises were sold into private hands. The share of capital investments in the British economy by state bodies (central government and local authorities) and nationalized sectors of the economy in the early 80s sharply decreased. It amounted to only 25% against 50% typical for the period when the Labor Party was in power.
The Tory government increased tax breaks for private businesses. The tax rate on the profits of the largest corporations was successively reduced, first to 50% and then to 35%. The amount of loans provided by banks to industrial companies has grown. Entrepreneurs' contributions to social insurance funds for employed labor were abolished. The government followed the path of consistent expansion of the level of freedom of economic activity of entrepreneurs. In 1982, the provision introduced by the Laborites on preferential employment of union members was abolished. The rights of trade unions were significantly limited at individual enterprises. All kinds of solidarity strikes were declared illegal. Stimulation of business activity of private entrepreneurs had a positive impact on the overall course of economic development in the UK
The reforms of the Cabinet of M. Thatcher also affected the foreign economic sphere of the English economy. In October 1980 all restrictions on the export of capital that had existed in the country for more than 40 years were abolished. After the abolition of foreign exchange restrictions, the export of private capital from Great Britain began to grow at a faster pace than in the 1960s.
The British government encouraged foreign investment in its economy. The leading place among foreign investors in the UK was occupied by American companies. In addition, some developing countries with relatively high rates of economic growth have been very successful in this regard. Thus, Brazil, Mexico, India, Singapore, and the Philippines successfully invested in the British economy in the 1980s.
The Thatcher government paid close attention to foreign trade issues. Already in the early 1980s, the country's exports began to exceed imports. The most important stabilizing factor in this sphere was the receipts of one of the few developed capitalist countries that managed to balance the trade balance with a significant excess of exports over imports. In order to ensure the necessary level of competitiveness of British goods on world markets, the Conservative government has developed a series of measures aimed at intensifying production, stimulating labor productivity growth, as well as reducing wage costs.
The government of M. Thatcher carried out a restructuring of the national economy. The rationalization of production, in particular, was carried out through the release of excess labor in enterprises.
The results of the reform activities of the Conservative government showed up very quickly. Already in 1982. in the country, an increase in production became apparent, which increased from the end of 1983. Experts analyzing the situation in the UK economy of that period suggest that the main factor in maintaining the country's relatively high economic growth rates in the mid and late 1980s was personal consumption. The growth of personal consumption of the population was favorably affected by the decrease in inflation rates. In addition, the most important element of the government's tax policy, the reduction in income tax, also had a positive impact.
A significant increase in gross domestic product was noted, British industry began to develop at a faster pace, as well as non-industrial sectors of the economy: trade, communications, transport, indicators of the state of the financial and banking sector of the economy improved. Thus, already in the mid-80s. Great Britain showed average rates of economic growth typical for developed countries.
Raising the level of industry in the 80s. It was facilitated by the fact that most of the investments were directed to the replacement and modernization of equipment, the introduction of new energy and resource-saving technologies. For example, already in the early 1980s, investments in machinery and equipment accounted for more than 76% of all investments directed to the country's manufacturing industry. Investments in oil production have been constantly growing.
Industrial growth was facilitated by the fact that the personnel employed in English industry were among the most skilled in the world. The Thatcher government maintained a high level of spending on research and development work in the military field, the main share of the costs was assumed by the state. Thus, in the first half of the 1980s, 70% of military developments in the field of the aircraft and missile industry were financed from the state budget. All research work on the development of nuclear weapons was carried out under the control of the state. Characteristically, the UK ranks 5th in the world after the US, Japan, Germany and France.
The leading branches of production are machine tool building, electrical engineering, aviation, chemical, electronic and automotive industries.
The Tory government contributed to the implementation of measures leading to increased intensification in agriculture, stimulated the development of agricultural science in order to develop new highly productive breeds of livestock and select high-yielding plant varieties. A characteristic feature of the agrarian development of Great Britain in the 80s. There was a merging of agricultural and industrial capital through intensive integration.
So, as a result of the vigorous activity of the Conservative government, changes for the better took place in the economic life of Great Britain: the decline in industrial production was stopped, the inflation rate was sharply reduced, and London's position as one of the financial centers of the world was strengthened.
In the case of the UK, we found that the policies of the 1979-1983 period, although used with full confidence, were successful and created credibility for the government due to the change in society's tolerance for high unemployment that was preceded by the crisis of the late 1970s.
Even in times of crisis, some reforms will succeed and others will fail. This is largely determined by specific conditions - different systems and different leaders. It is hard to imagine Margaret Thatcher's reforms taking place in other countries, or taking place in Britain under other leaders. Peregudov S.P. Thatcher and Thatcherism / S.P. Peregudov., M.: "Science", 1996. S. 171 - 180
In the 1979 elections, the Conservatives received 13.7 million votes, and the Laborites 11.5 million. For the first time, a woman became the new leader of the Conservatives, Margaret Thatcher (born in 1925).
M. Thatcher showed herself to be a staunch supporter of conservative views, a man with a firm and unyielding character, for which the British nicknamed her "Iron Lady". She came to power with a clear program of action, and began to persistently implement it. M. Thatcher enjoyed great prestige both in England and in the world under her leadership, the Conservative Party won the elections of 1983 and 1987, and the “Iron Lady” headed the government for eleven and a half years in a row. Some biographers refer to her reign as the "Thatcher era".
The Prime Minister's program did not contain fundamentally new provisions in comparison with the traditional concept of the British Tories. She only adapted it to the modern era and brought it to its logical end. The main provisions put forward by M. Thatcher and called "Thatcherism" are as follows:
· The driving force behind every prosperous economy is private enterprise. The basis of the political course of the authorities is "freedom, opportunities for all, support for the entrepreneurial spirit, democracy of owners."
· State intervention in private life is reduced to a minimum, it should in no case fetter private initiative.
· All able-bodied citizens provide for themselves. The state and charitable organizations provide support only to the disabled and those who, through no fault of their own, are deprived of the opportunity to work. Based on this, state social programs should be abandoned or reduced to a minimum.
· The state should have a balanced, deficit-free budget. The most important part of it is taxes, which the entire population must pay in accordance with their incomes. It is necessary to strictly observe the regime of economy and reduce costs.
· Trade unions have the right to protect the interests of workers through legal means without prejudice to the interests of others. Therefore the right to strike. Which are detrimental to society should be limited.
M. Thatcher proceeded from the fact that she should have a strong army and navy and improve her nuclear weapons. In foreign policy, she considered relations with the United States and compliance with NATO obligations to be a priority, and opposed the acceleration of integration processes.
The economic situation was extremely difficult. Thatcher advocated the so-called. "savings", which was expressed in the reduction of unemployment benefits, other social programs. As a result, the strike movement intensified again.
Referring to the unprofitability of many public sector enterprises, the government is denationalizing the economy on a large scale. The majority of enterprises in the oil and aerospace industries, as well as air transport, have passed to private owners. The scope of privatization expanded rapidly. In a few years of "Thatcherism" more than two-thirds of the enterprises of the public sector passed to private owners or collectives of enterprises being privatized. At the same time, more than a million municipal apartments were sold. More than 60% of the country's residents have become owners of their own homes. This led to an increase in the number of owners and a strengthening of the Tory social base.
In order to strengthen the competitiveness of British industry, the government began to invest heavily in its re-equipment on the basis of the achievements of the scientific and technological revolution, encouraged entrepreneurs who developed the latest industries and stimulated the growth of labor productivity. “Thatcherism”, which had stalled in the early years, began to bear tangible results. From 1982 to 1087, economic growth rates were the highest in Western Europe. The number of unemployed and the scale of inflation declined.
During the post-war years, a large number of foreigners immigrated to England, mainly residents of the former British colonies - Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, etc. The growth in the number of immigrants gave rise to racist sentiments unusual for England in the past: clashes took place between the British and immigrants, the right-wing press led a hostile campaign against the “colored”. The Thatcher government did not act against the racists, but passed laws through parliament that limited the quota for the entry of foreigners into England.
For a long time there has been a dispute between England and Argentina over the ownership of the Falkland (Malvinas) Islands in the South Atlantic, not far from the coast of South America. Historically, the rights to them belonged to Argentina, but the British colonized them long ago, the small population living there spoke English and had no desire to come under the control of the British military junta. The junta, hoping to raise its prestige in the eyes of the Argentines, in May 1982 landed troops on the islands and raised the Argentine flag over them.
M. Thatcher, who pursued a tough line of defense of trade, economic and military-political interests, reacted very decisively to the actions of Argentina. Regardless of costs, she sent warships, marines and aircraft to the islands. The Argentine garrison capitulated. secured the Falkland Islands and established a military base there. These actions contributed to the growth of the authority of the conservative party and its leader.
But the period of rapid economic growth and relative prosperity in England turned out to be very short. Since the beginning of the 90s. the economic situation began to worsen, the old illnesses returned - the budget deficit, inflation, unemployment increased by 9% in 1990. The indignation of the people was caused by a new poll tax, the same for everyone, regardless of income, which was imposed on all residents of the country over 18 years old. The introduction of this tax led to mass protests, often ending in clashes with the police. The situation in Ulster also escalated. The pace of economic development slowed down.
The popularity of the ruling party was falling. Moreover, disagreements intensified in its leadership, primarily on the issue of European integration: M. Thatcher slowed down the process of its development, and many ministers considered it necessary to support the position of G. Kohl and F. Mitterrand.
All these circumstances caused Thatcher's resignation in November 1990. On the recommendation of his predecessor, John Major, who previously held the post of Minister of Finance, became the leader of the Conservative Party and became prime minister.
Major was the youngest prime minister. Upon coming to power, he abolished the unpopular poll tax and promised to "make a turn towards greater satisfaction of the socio-economic demands of the British." At the same time, Major announced that the main tasks of his government are to strengthen property rights, continue the process of privatization of state-owned companies, and increase tax incentives for entrepreneurs.
Contrary to the predictions of sociologists, in the parliamentary elections in April 1992, the absolute majority of seats in the House of Commons were again won by the Conservatives. For the first time in 170 years, the same party has won elections four times in a row. John Major remained prime minister.
However, the Tories failed to bring their record to five. The economic situation in the country continued to deteriorate: the pace of development slowed down, unemployment increased. The lack of state social programs caused extreme discontent among the people. Inflation increased, and the pound sterling lost its prestige as the most stable currency in the world, more and more losing ground to the dollar. The government was forced to devalue it. Although Major tried to slow down some of Thatcher's most drastic measures, the general deterioration of the economy, the conflict with trade unions, primarily with the miners, the transition to dependence on the United States and failures in resolving the Ulster conflict led to the defeat of the Conservatives in the 1997 elections. Labor came to power , whose leader Tony Blair headed the government and is the prime minister at the moment.
Thatcherism- the policy of the conservative government of Great Britain under the leadership of Margaret Thatcher (1979-1990), accompanied by the privatization of previously nationalized enterprises and sectors of the economy, monetarism in the financial and economic sphere, the curtailment of social programs, and the privatization of the social spheres of education and healthcare. The concept of Thatcherism is closely connected with the socio-economic concepts and categories of neo-liberalism and "shock therapy".
Margaret Thatcher is the first woman to serve as British Prime Minister. “It is worth once to put a woman on an equal footing with a man, as she begins to surpass him.” According to many economic and political figures in the world, M. Thatcher is, of course, living proof of the correctness of this aphorism.
Thatcherism is an economic direction, a whole legacy, which was given its name by the exceptional economist and politician M. Thatcher. Until now, there are disputes related to her rule, with her economic reforms, which, on the one hand, gave Britain a better economy, and on the other, increased the role of the state and the power of the government, reducing a number of freedoms.
Having come to power, the new Prime Minister M. Thatcher did not see a great power in front of him. There were many economic problems that the new government needed to address:
· the main power belonged to trade union leaders, who were more often guided by personal interests and blackmailed big businessmen with threats of strikes;
· the country had the highest tax rates in the world on personal income - up to 83%;
Excessive rate of inflation
excessive power in the hands of the state.
The Thatcher government decided to put an end to all this by implementing such an economic direction as Thatcherism. Its basis was the following elements: free enterprise, personal initiative, extreme individualism.
But above all, Thatcherism is based on strict control over the money supply. This is necessary to reduce inflation, which was the main task facing the government. And for the sake of its implementation, the fact that unemployment would increase as a result was also ignored. In order to curb inflation, it is also necessary to strictly control expenditures in the direction of their reduction, and the reduction in expenditures affected both the state apparatus and local expenditures, expenditures on housing construction.
According to Thatcherism, the driving force behind any prosperous economy is private enterprise, the priority of independence. Moreover, state intervention in private life is reduced to a minimum; it should in no case fetter private initiative. And if earlier the state provided assistance to failing or promising firms, then the Thatcher government abandoned this path completely.
Despite all the measures taken by M. Thatcher to combat inflation, in the first year of her reign, the inflation rate not only did not decrease, but doubled along with a double increase in unemployment. Despite this deteriorating situation, the government continued its policy of reducing government spending and further providing tax incentives to small and medium-sized businesses.
According to Thatcher, all able-bodied citizens should provide for themselves. And the state and charitable organizations are aimed at providing support only to the disabled and those who, through no fault of their own, are deprived of the opportunity to work. Based on this, state social programs should be abandoned or reduced to a minimum. However, it is unfair to say that the government did not take into account social issues, including the issue of employment. Thus, a whole program of increasing the number of working measures was developed: early retirement, expansion of the number of places due to part-time work and part-time work
Consequences:
The fact that the reforms actually work, the UK did not immediately understand. After Thatcher's first term in office, even fellow Conservatives were waiting for an order from their leader to turn around 180 degrees. But she has repeatedly said that 4 years is too short a period for the implementation of plans for restructuring the economy, that this requires at least 8-10 years. And answering their doubts in the famous speech at the party conference: “The lady does not turn around!”, She turned the whole country around.
The cost of British products fell sharply. And if before the British goods competed with difficulty on the world market, then thanks to Thatcherism it became cheaper than the South Korean, which was considered the cheapest in the world.
Among the achievements of the Thatcherist program is also the sale of shares of nationalized enterprises. In just four years (1984-1988), the number of British stockholders more than tripled. Such a sale of shares had a double meaning: on the one hand, it contributed to an increase in the interest of shareholders in the success of enterprises and ensured a reduction in production costs, and on the other hand, it made it possible to introduce the British to the idea of ownership, independence and thereby strengthen the position of the Conservative Party.
In the 1980s, thanks to the same policy of Thatcherism, medium and small firms became a new force in the structure of the British economy. Their activities and ability to quickly respond to changes in market conditions contributed to the increase in the competitiveness of the English product.
The British government still managed to cope with inflation. Its level was reduced by two to three times. And if in the first years of Thatcher's rule, the growth of inflation was accompanied by an increase in unemployment, then in recent years, with a decrease in inflation, there has been a reduction in unemployment from 3.5 million to 2 million.
It should be noted that English society itself began to live better. So the average income per capita for 10 years has grown by 23%. The number of strikes also dropped sharply. But most of all, Thatcher was proud of the fact that her program of Thatcherism allowed almost every citizen of England to have a home. In other words, there was a redemption of their homes from the municipalities.
The British economy has undergone a recovery and is now more reckoned with on the world stage. Because a healthy economy is an important foreign policy instrument.
The period of rapid economic growth and relative prosperity in England turned out to be very short. Since the beginning of the 90s. the economic situation began to worsen, old diseases returned - the budget deficit, inflation, unemployment increased by 9% in 1990. The popularity of the ruling party was falling. All these circumstances caused Thatcher's resignation in November 1990. On the recommendation of his predecessor, John Major, who previously held the post of Minister of Finance, became the leader of the Conservative Party and became prime minister.
Thatcher became the heroine not only of Britain but of the entire Western capitalist world. The policy pursued by this woman is characterized as Thatcherism. But this economic doctrine is not unambiguously assessed. Undoubtedly, Thatcher introduced the ideology of entrepreneurship in the country. She saw private enterprise as the driving force behind a prosperous economy and privatized the public sector. During her reign, municipal apartments were sold, as a result of which more than 60% of the population acquired their own housing. Although at the same time social stratification intensified in the country. But what is certain is that Thatcher and her Thatcherism have done more for the British economy than many other ministers put together.
